發(fā)現(xiàn)社會

前言

　　媒介是神奇的，社會也是神奇的，媒介與社會的耦合生產(chǎn)出無限的神奇。從涂爾干《宗教生活的基本形式》關(guān)于“社會”與喚起社會意識的符號與儀式共生的理論來看，媒介使社會顯得神奇的過程也造就了自身的神奇?！　∪祟愒诂F(xiàn)代大眾傳播成為現(xiàn)實之前對于“神奇”的感知是經(jīng)由巫師及其巫術(shù)的轉(zhuǎn)化來實現(xiàn)的。澳洲土著在圖騰舞蹈的狂熱中感受到超個人的社會力量的存在。滿身披掛的薩滿用舞蹈和神歌請靈降神，讓已經(jīng)消逝的顯露原形，讓凡人通常不可見的顯現(xiàn)真身，讓千山萬水之遙的即刻大駕光臨。借助巫術(shù)，時間和空間的障礙可以暫時克服，過去的、未來的都可以在現(xiàn)實中出現(xiàn)，墓室中的、仙山上的都可以召喚到面前?！　∵@些神奇經(jīng)驗在現(xiàn)當(dāng)代越來越徹底地被大眾媒介所造就，電視、網(wǎng)絡(luò)等圖像傳輸技術(shù)在其中發(fā)揮著關(guān)鍵作用。大人物像變戲法一樣總跑到百姓居室內(nèi)高談閱論，歷史的亡靈在熒屏上招之即來，揮之即去。媒介使常人具有千里眼、順風(fēng)耳，看見那原本遙不可見的，聽清那從前根本就聽不到的。媒介是神奇的，它在社會中的運行有如巫術(shù)。幾百年的現(xiàn)代化對世界“祛魅”，結(jié)果我們看到人類社會所集聚的全部的“魅”都匯聚于媒介，并被媒介無限放大。　　長期耳濡目染，媒介的神奇人們已經(jīng)習(xí)以為常了，就像前現(xiàn)代的人對巫術(shù)習(xí)以為常一樣。但是，這個過程一直都是知識界探討的課題?，F(xiàn)代大眾媒介的各種新形式從一開始出現(xiàn)的時候就會被知識界作為新事物加以關(guān)注。從較早的照相、無線電廣播到電影、電視，再到近年的新媒介傳播，關(guān)于大眾傳媒研究、文化研究、虛擬社會研究的知識生產(chǎn)就一直緊隨媒介發(fā)展的步伐。媒介研究在發(fā)達(dá)國家已經(jīng)形成龐大的群體和細(xì)密的分工，這個群體既能夠追逐傳播領(lǐng)域的新事物，也能夠通過專業(yè)的眼光讓人們習(xí)以為常的許多方面顯出怪異來，從而引發(fā)眾人的注意和分析的興趣。我們國內(nèi)的媒介研究在這兩個方向上都需要培育自己的能力。　　依靠現(xiàn)代大眾媒介運行的社會是一種機制極其不同的社會，中國社會正在越來越深地涉入其中。

內(nèi)容概要

對于19、20世紀(jì)卷帙浩繁的社會理論的梳理，不啻為一項艱苦而艱巨的工作。呈現(xiàn)在讀者面前的這本書出色地展現(xiàn)了其著作者廣博的知識、精湛的寫作技巧和清晰的思路。本書選取了19世紀(jì)以來卓越的社會理論家，以他們對社會發(fā)展的突破性的思想貢獻(xiàn)，在作者巧妙的構(gòu)思下，連成一條新的意識變遷的長河。

作者簡介

蘭德爾·柯林斯，現(xiàn)為美國賓夕法尼亞大學(xué)社會學(xué)教授，研究領(lǐng)域為社會學(xué)理論、宏觀社會學(xué)和社會沖突等。他曾出版有《暴力：一種微觀社會學(xué)理論》（2008）、《互動儀式鏈》（2004）、《新經(jīng)濟社會學(xué)》（2002合著）。

書籍目錄

PREFACE    INTRODUCTION  SOCIETY AND ILLUSIONChapter 1 The Prophets of Paris: Saint-Simon and ComteChapter 2 The Last Gentleman: Alexis de TocquevilleChapter 3 Nietzsche's MadnessChapter 4 Do-Gooders, Evolutionists, and RacistsChapter 5 Dreyfus's Empire: Emile DurkheimChapter 6 Max Weber: The Disenchantment of the WorldChapter 7 Sigmund Freud: Conquistador of the IrrationalChapter 8 The Discovery of the Invisible World: Simmel, Cooley, and MeadChapter 9 .The Discovery of the Ordinary World: Thomas, Park, and the Chicago SchoolChapter 10 The Emergence of African-American Sociology: Du Bois, Frazier, Drake, and CaytonChapter 11  The Construction of the Social System: Pareto and ParsonsChapter 12  Hitler's Shadow: Michels, Mannheim, and MillsChapter 13  Erving Goffman and the Theater of Social EncountersChapter 14  Cultural Capital, Revolution, and the World-System: The Theories of Pierre Bourdieu, Theda Skocpol, and Immanuel WaUersteinChapter 15  From the Code of the Street to the Social Structure of Right and Wrong: The Sociology of Elijah Anderson and Donald Black

章節(jié)摘錄

　　It was not the Revolution that destroyed the decentralized institutions of France, Tocqueville found, contrary to what most conservatives held. Rather, it had been the French kings themselves. Back in the Middle Ages Tocqueville class, the aristocracy, had jealously guarded their independence from the king. Parliaments and independent courts had been created by coalitions of nobles as a balance of power to resist the control of the king. Such institutions had existed all over Europe, even in Russia and Spain. The kings counterattacked and managed to destroy the power of the aristocrats by creating a royal bureaucracy, into which the courts were incorporated as subordinate agencies. The aristocrats were made royal officials, and their representative institutions were reduced to virtually nothing.　　This process went furthest in Russia and the East and least far in England. In England, in fact, the courts and lawyers remained almost totally independent, and parliament won the final struggle with the king in the seventeenth- century revolution led by Oliver Cromwell. In France the struggle went on the longest. There the king built a mighty bureaucracy, but the aristocracy still held many powers, and the showdown did not come until the end of the eighteenth century, when a new commercial era had accentuated the trend to equality and created the massed population of Paris that would prove so important in French politics. The inefficiency of the French regime, balanced between an autocratic king and a parasitic aristocracy, led to the government financial crisis of 1789. In the temporary government deadlock the floodgates broke, and the masses at- tacked. The spirit of equality had been unleashed by the leveling bureaucracy and the growth of commerce, and the aristocrats who lived on with their old privileges but without their old powers and functions were to feel the vent of its fury. In the end the main effect of the Revolution was to strengthen and stream- line the central government, something that could not be done as long as the aristocrats stood in the way. The Revolution merely consolidated the structure the kings had labored to create.　　This account sharpens the irony of America in world perspective. The United States has the most protection against the instabilities of modern mass society because it derives its institutions especially its decentralized courts and local governments——from the early period of British history. The colonists of the seventeenth century who founded American society were from the conservative, minor aristocracy of England, and they brought with them the institutions of decentralized feudal control. America thus escaped even from what centralization the English kings had managed to carry out. The United States, far from epitomizing the new era of politics, has come to have one of the oldest government forms in the world.

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