宏觀經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)

內(nèi)容概要

本書按照發(fā)展年代對(duì)各種宏觀經(jīng)濟(jì)理論的發(fā)展歷史、經(jīng)濟(jì)思想的演變以及經(jīng)濟(jì)理論和政策的效果進(jìn)行了分析。首先分析了古典宏觀經(jīng)濟(jì)理論和凱恩斯體系；然后分析凱恩斯后的宏觀經(jīng)濟(jì)理論；最后分析了開放經(jīng)濟(jì)下的宏觀經(jīng)濟(jì)理論和經(jīng)濟(jì)政策。全書脈絡(luò)清晰，對(duì)于想深入了解宏觀經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)派的發(fā)展和主要特征的讀者很有幫助。本書適合經(jīng)濟(jì)類專業(yè)高年級(jí)本科生、研究生和MBA學(xué)生學(xué)習(xí)使用。    本書配有學(xué)習(xí)指導(dǎo)手冊(cè)和試題庫(kù)等教學(xué)資源，讀者可填寫書后的《教學(xué)支持服務(wù)表》來獲取以上資源。

作者簡(jiǎn)介

理查德·T·弗羅恩(Richard T.Froyen)，美國(guó)北卡羅來納大學(xué)經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)教授，英國(guó)利茲(Leeds)大學(xué)和新西蘭坎特伯雷(Canterbury)大學(xué)客座教授，美聯(lián)儲(chǔ)客座經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)家，曾在各種經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)期刊上發(fā)表多篇宏觀經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)和貨幣政策方面的論文。弗羅恩教授的研究興趣包括貨幣政策和利率期限

書籍目錄

第一部分  導(dǎo)論與度量  第1章  導(dǎo)論  第2章  宏觀經(jīng)濟(jì)變量的度量第二部分  古典經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)和凱恩斯革命  第3章  古典宏觀經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)(Ⅰ)：產(chǎn)出和就業(yè)  第4章  古典宏觀經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)(Ⅱ)：貨幣、價(jià)格和利率  第5章  凱恩斯體系(Ⅰ)：總需求的作用  第6章  凱恩斯體系(Ⅱ)：貨幣、利率和收入  第7章  凱恩斯體系(Ⅲ)：IS-LM模型中的政策效應(yīng)  第8章  凱恩斯體系(Ⅳ)：總供給和總需求第三部分  凱恩斯之后的宏觀經(jīng)濟(jì)理論  第9章  貨幣主義的“反革命”  第10章  產(chǎn)出、通貨膨脹和失業(yè)：替代性觀點(diǎn)  第11章  新古典經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)  第12章  真實(shí)經(jīng)濟(jì)周期和新凱恩斯主義經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)  第13章  宏觀經(jīng)濟(jì)模型：概述第四部分  開放經(jīng)濟(jì)中的宏觀經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)  第14章  匯率和國(guó)際貨幣體系  第15章  開放經(jīng)濟(jì)中的貨幣和財(cái)政政策第五部分  經(jīng)濟(jì)政策  第16章  貨幣、銀行體系和利率  第17章  最優(yōu)貨幣政策  第18章  財(cái)政政策第六部分  經(jīng)濟(jì)增長(zhǎng)  第19章  中期經(jīng)濟(jì)增長(zhǎng)政策  第20章  長(zhǎng)期經(jīng)濟(jì)增長(zhǎng)：國(guó)民財(cái)富的源泉術(shù)語(yǔ)表

章節(jié)摘錄

　　The term macroeconomics was first used by the Norwegian economist Ragnar Frisch in 1933.Macroeconomics is clearly the younger sibling of the economics JL family. It is no coincidence that macroeconomics emerged as a maior branch of economics amid the chaotic conditions of the Great Depression of the 1930s.The severe economic problems of the time lent importance to the subject matter of macroeconomics-the behavior of the economy as a whole. A book by John Maynard Keynes，The General Theory of Employment， Interest, and Money. developed aframe work in which to systematically consider the behavior of aggregate economic variables such as employment and output. During the two decades following Worid War II. Keyness followers elaborated and extended his theories. From the first there were skeptics，perhaps most notably Milton Friedman，but Keynesian economics became the orthodox mode of thinking about macroeconomic questions. 　　The years since the late 1960s，however，have witnessed maior challenges to Keynesian economics. In the 1970s there was increased interest in monetarism. The body of theory Milton Friedman and others had developed beginning in the 1940s.A new school of macroeconomic theory, he new classical economics，also came on the scene during the 1970s.In the 1980s，Keynesian policy prescriptions came under attack from a group called the supp，v. side economists. The 1 980s also witnessed the development of two new lines of macroeconomic research：the real business cs, cletheory and the new Keynesian economics. 　　Many of the post-1970 developments in macroeconomics have been the result of dissatisfaction with the Keynesian theory and the policy prescriptions that follow from it. In addition to controversv however，the past three decades have seen what all would agree is progress in our theories of the macroeconomy. There have been significant improvements in the handling of expectations，in our understanding Of labor market in stitutions，in accounting for the macroeconomic implications of various market structures，in the modeling of open economies，and in accounting for the ultimate sources of economic growth.　　In this book I have tried to explain macroeconomics, inclusive of recent develop-ments, in a coherent way but without glossing over the fundamental disagreements among macroeconomists on issues of both theory and policy. The major modern macroeconomic theories are presented and compared. Important areas of agree mentas well as differences are discussed. An attempt is made to demonstrate that the controversies among macroeconomists center on well-defined issues that are based on theoretical differences in the underlying models.　　WHAT GDP IS NOT　　GDP is the most comprehensive measure of nations economic activity. Policymakers use GDP figures to monitor short-inn fluctuations in economic activity as well as long-run growth trends. It is worthwhile，however，to recognize important limitations of the GDP concept.　　NONHARKET PRODUCTIVEACTIVITI ES ARE LEFT OUT　　Because goods and services are evaluated at market prices in GDP nonmarket production is left out（e.g.，noted earlier，for in。stance，homemaker services）.Inter country comparisons of GDP overstate the gap in production between highly industrialized countries and less-developed nations，where agrarian agrarian nonmarket production is of greater importance. 　　THE UNDER GROUND ECONOMYIS LEFT OUT 　　Also left out of GDP are illegal economic activities and legal activities that are not reported to avoid paying taxes the underground econ. omy. Gambling and the drug trade are exampies of the former. Activities not reported to avoid paying taxes take many forms；for exam。pie，repairmen who are paid in cash for services may undevreport or fail to report the income. It is hard to estimate the size of the under-ground economy for obvious reasons. Rough estimates for the United States range from 5 to15 percent of GDP　　GDP IS No TA WELFARE H EASURE GDP　　measures production of goods and ser-vices；it is not a measure of welfare or even of material well being. For one thing，GDP gives no weight to leisure. If we all began to work 60.hour weeks. GDP would increase，vet would we be better off？　　GDP also fails to subtract for some well I fare costs of production. For example，if pro-Iduction of electricity causes acid rain，and lconse quently water pollution and dying If orests，we count the production of electric。ity in GDP but do not subtract the economic loss from the pollution. In fact，if the govern-Iment spends money to try to clean up the pollution，we count that too！　　GDP is a useful measure of the overall llevel of economic activity，not of welfare.　　GDP AND HAPPINESS　　If it is not a welfare measure，one would not 1 expect GDP to measure happiness. In recent years. however，there has been a great deal of interest in the relationship，or 1ack of relationship，between GDP and happiness. Surveys show that GDP and happiness，measured bvlife satisfaction，”have little relationship. People in Ghana are more satisfied with their lives than people in the Unites States；those in Nigeria are as satisfied as those in France. While surveys may be unreliable，other evidence also indicates little relation-ship between GDP and various measures of happiness. Perhaps relative income in a socl. ety is more important than absolute income. Alternatively, income relative to past in come may matter .In surveys early in this century, people in the former Soviet re-publics were least satisfied with their lives. Their incomes had on average declined. In the Himalayan kingdom of Bhutan，the government has focused on gross national happiness（GNH），not GDR The United Nations provides indices of social welfare as alternatives to standard measures of GDE It would take us too far afield to consider these alternatives，but note that happiness is another thing that GDP is not.

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