美國(guó)歷屆總統(tǒng)就職演說

內(nèi)容概要

《美國(guó)歷屆總統(tǒng)就職演說(英文版)》主要介紹了歷屆總統(tǒng)就職的演說，具體內(nèi)容有：1789 George Washington First Inaugural Address、1793 George Washington Second Inaugural Address、1797 John Adams Inaugural Address、1801 Thomas Jefferson First Inaugural Address、1805 Thomas Jefferson Second Inaugural Address、1809 James Madison First Inaugural Address、1813 James Madison Second Inaugural Address、1817 James Madison First Inaugural Address、1821 James Monroe Second Inaugural Address、1825 JOhn Quincy Adams First Inaugural Address、1829 Andrew Jackson First Inaugural Address、1833 Andrew Jackson Second Inaugural Address、1837 Martin Van Buren Inaugural Address、1841 William Henry Harrsion Inaugural Address等。

作者簡(jiǎn)介

作者：(美國(guó))喬治·華盛頓喬治·華盛頓畫像喬治·華盛頓是美國(guó)首任總統(tǒng)（1789-1797年），美國(guó)獨(dú)立戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)大陸軍總司令。1789年，當(dāng)選為美國(guó)第一任總統(tǒng)，1793年連任，在兩屆任期結(jié)束后，他自愿放棄權(quán)力不再續(xù)任，隱退于弗農(nóng)山莊園。華盛頓被尊稱為美國(guó)國(guó)父，學(xué)者們則將他和亞伯拉罕·林肯并列為美國(guó)歷史上最偉大的總統(tǒng)。

書籍目錄

1789 George Washington First Inaugural Address1793 George Washington Second Inaugural Address1797 John Adams Inaugural Address1801 Thomas Jefferson First Inaugural Address1805 Thomas Jefferson Second Inaugural Address1809 James Madison First Inaugural Address1813 James Madison Second Inaugural Address1817 James Madison First Inaugural Address1821 James Monroe Second Inaugural Address1825 JOhn Quincy Adams First Inaugural Address1829 Andrew Jackson First Inaugural Address1833 Andrew Jackson Second Inaugural Address1837 Martin Van Buren Inaugural Address1841 William Henry Harrsion Inaugural Address1845 James Konx Polk Inaugural Address1849 Zachary Taylor Inaugural Address1853 Franklin Pierce Inaugural Address1857 James Buchanan Inaugural Address1861 Abraham Lincoln First Inaugural Address1865 Abraham Lincoln Second Inaugural Address1869 Ulysses S.Grant First Inaugural Address1873 Ulysses S.Grant Second Inaugural Address1877 Rutherford B.Hayes Inaugural Address1881 James A.Garfield Inaugural Address1885 Grover Cleveland First Inaugural Address1893 Grover Cleveland Second Inaugural Address1889 Benjamin Harrison Inaugural Address1897 William McKinley First Inaugural Address1901 William McKinley Inaugural Address1905 Theodore Roosevelt Inaugural Addres1909 Willian Howard Inaugural Address1913 Woodrow Wilson First Inaugural Address1917 Woodrow Wilson Second Inaugural Address1921 Warren G.Harding Inaugural Address1925 Calvin Coolidge Inaugrual Address1929 Herbert Hoover Inaugural Address1933 Franklin D. Roosevelt First Inaugural Address1937 Franklin D. Roosevelt Second Inaugural Address1941 Franklin D. Roosevelt Third Inaugural Address1945 Franklin D. Roosevelt Fourth Inaugural Address1949 Harry S.Truman Inaugural Address1953 Dwight D.Eisenhower First Inaugural Address1957 Dwight D.Eisenhower Second Inaugural Address1961 John F.Kennedy  Inaugural Address1965 Lyndon Baines Johnson Inaugural Address1969 Richard Milhous Nixon First Inaugural Address1973 Richard Milhous Nixon Second Inaugural Address1977 Jimmy Carter Inaugural Address1981 Ronald Reagan First Inaugural Address1985 Ronald Reagan Second Inaugural Address1989 George H.Bush Inaugural Address1993 William J.Clinton First Inaugural Address1997 William J.Clinton Second Inaugural Address2001 George W.Bush First Inaugural Address2005 George W.Bush Second Inaugural Address

章節(jié)摘錄

Thete is another ground for the adoption of the veto principle．which hadprobably more influence in recommending it to the Convention than any other．I refer to the security which it gives to the just and equitable action of the Leg-islature upon all parts of the Union It couht not but have occurred to the Con·vention that in a country so extensive，embracing so great a variety of soil andclimate，and consequently of products，and which from the same causes mustever exhibit a great difference in the amount of the population of its varioussections，calling for“great diversity in the employments of the people，thatthe legislation of tile majority might not always justly regard the rights and in-terests of the minor itv，and that acts of this charaeter might be passed underan express grant hy the words of the Constitution，all(1 therefore not within thecompetency of the judMary to declare void；that however enlightened and pa。triotic they might suppose from past experience the nlembers ot Congress might1”．a(chǎn)nd however largely partaking，in the general，of the liberal feellings ofthe people，it was impossible to expect that tmdies so constituled shouht notsometimes he controlled hy local interests and sectional feelings It was prop-el，therefore，to provide some umpire from whose situation and mode of ap-pointment more independence an(1 freedom from such influences might be ex-nected．Such a one was afforded by the executive departmen!constituted bythe Constitulion．A person elected to that high office，having his constituentsin every spoetion．State，and subdivision of tile Union，must consider himself bound bv the most solemn sanetiolls to guard，protect，and defend the rights of a11 and  of every portion．great or small，from the injustice and oppression ofthe rest.completely under the control of the Executive will than their construction oftheir powers allowed or the forbearing characters of all the early Presidents permitted them to make．But it is not by the extent of its patronage alone thatthe executive department has become dangerous，but by the use which it appears may be made of the appointing power to bring under its control the whole rsvenues of the country．The Constitution has declared it to be the duty of the President to see that the laws are executed，and it makes him the Commanderin Chicf of the Armies and Navy of the United States．If the opinion of the most approved writers upon that species of mixed government which in modern Eumpe is termed monarchy in contradistinction to despotism iS correct，there was wanting no other addition to the powers of our Chief Magistrate to stamp fl monarchical character on our Government but the control of the public fi-nanee$；and to me it appears strange indeed that anyone should doubt that the entire control which the President possesses over the officers who have the CUS-tody of the public money，by the power of removal with or without cause，does，for all mischievous purposes at least，virtually subject the treasure alsoto his disposal．The first Roman Emperor，in his attempt to seize the sacredtreasure，silenced the opposition of the officer to whose charge it had been committed by fl significant allusion to his sword．By a selection of political in-struments for the care of the public money a reference to their commissions by a President would be quite as effectual an argument as that of Caesar to the Roman knight．I am not insensible of the great difficulty that exists in drawing a proper plan for the safe-keeping and disbursement of the public revenues.

媒體關(guān)注與評(píng)論

Today we reconsecrate our country to long-cherished ideals in a suddenlychanged civilization．In every land there are always at work forces that drivemen apart and forces that draw men together．In our personal ambitions we areindividualists．But in our seeking for economic and political progress as a nation，we all go up，or else we all go down，as one people．　　——FRANKLlN D．RooSEVELTWe are creating a nation once again vibrant，robust，and alive．But there aremany mountains yet to climb．We will not rest until every American enjoys thefullness of freedom，dignity,and opportunity as our birthright．It is our birthrightas citizens of this great Republic。and we’ll meet this challenge．　　——RoNALD REAGANOur greatest responsibility is to embrace a new spirit of community for a newcentury．For any one of US to succeed，we must succeed as one America．　　——WILLIAM J．CLINToNAs for our common defense．we reject as faIse the choice between our safetyand our ideals．Our Founding Fathers，faced with perils we can scarcelyimagine，drafted a charter to assure the rule of law and the rights of man，acharter expanded by the blood of generations．Those ideals still light the world，and we will not give them up for expedience'S sake．　　——BARACK oBAMA

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